Here’s how we can pay teachers more but should we? Well,
it’s complicated
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By Daniel K. Kalinaki
Posted Thursday,
November 19 2015 at 02:00
In Summary
The question, therefore, isn’t whether we can afford to pay
teachers better; it is whether it is right to do so and the opportunity cost of
such a policy move. As any economist will tell you, just because you can afford
something doesn’t mean you should pay for it. And here, as we shall see next
week, things get rather complicated.
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FDC candidate Kizza Besigye’s campaign proposal to pay
primary school teachers Shs650,000 per month and their secondary counterparts
Shs1 million if elected president has generated plenty of debate about whether
we can afford such an outlay.
Can we afford it? Let’s do some quick back-of-the-envelop
maths. According to Uganda Bureau of Statistics, there were 171,000 primary and
54,509 secondary school teachers in 2012/13. According to data from the
Ministry of Public Service, the average wage for primary school teachers in the
2015/16 Financial year is Shs400,584, which is oddly higher than that for
secondary school teachers at Shs308,817 (I couldn’t find the median figure
which would, I believe, cure this abnormality).
According to Education minister Jessica Alupo, the wage bill
for primary school teachers was Shs822 billion in 2014, while that for
secondary school teachers was Shs202 billion, a total of Shs1.22 trillion.
Assuming the increment were to be made overnight, rather
than phased in over five years, Besigye’s new government would need to raise an
extra Shs970 billion (Shs458b for primary, Shs512b for secondary teachers) to
meet the higher wages. If you assume that the increase in the Education
ministry budget already factored into the 2016/17 Financial Year, which the new
government will have to work with, will all go into higher salaries, the amount
of new money required falls to Shs552 billion.
There are three ways to raise this extra money. One is to
push Uganda Revenue Authority to meet its projected target of collecting
Shs12.6 trillion in tax revenue next financial year, which would bring in an
extra Shs1.5 trillion – almost three times what is required. This would require
the cutting back of tax exemptions to push our tax-to-GDP ratio to 13.7 per
cent, which is still far below the Sub-Saharan average of about 17 per cent.
Assuming that URA fails to meet the target, the second
option would be to cut the fat in the budget. The numbers for the 2015/16 draft
estimates from the Finance Ministry are useful here. Presidential donations
alone have averaged around Shs90 billion in each recent financial year. That’s
already 16 per cent of the cash we need.
There is plenty more fat: State House has Shs3.9 billion for
“special meals and drinks”, Shs2.8 billion for rent, Shs4.7 billion for
“welfare and entertainment” and Shs51 billion for travel. Cutting each of these
items by half, as well as the Shs16 billion allocated to staff, allowances and
welfare of the President and Vice President’s families, would raise another
Shs13.7 billion without the sky falling in – visitors can always drink
sparkling wine rather than champagne.
Other rationalisation opportunities abound: Shs29b is
earmarked on mobilising against poverty, while the Office of the Prime Minister
has Shs12.8b for humanitarian assistance, Shs46b for “agricultural supplies”,
Shs26b in “compensation to third parties”, Shs27.6b for Luweero-Rwenzori, Shs30b
in “post-war recovery programmes and presidential pledges”, Shs54b in Nusaf and
Shs5.8b in “strengthening and retooling” the office. Many of these programmes
are duplicated in other ministries.
The OPM also has Shs8b for buying land, as does the Ministry
of Agriculture, which signed off on a vast research facility recently saying it
didn’t need the prime land! Add to this Shs8 billion for internal travel in the
same ministry and an average of a billion shillings per ministry for workshops
and seminars and you easily have at least Shs360 billion in freed-up cash.
The balance, of under Shs190 billion can then easily be
raised from reallocating money to areas the new government doesn’t consider to
be essential, or from raising new or increasing existing taxes.
The question, therefore, isn’t whether we can afford to pay
teachers better; it is whether it is right to do so and the opportunity cost of
such a policy move. As any economist will tell you, just because you can afford
something doesn’t mean you should pay for it. And here, as we shall see next
week, things get rather complicated.
Mr Kalinaki is a Ugandan journalist based in Nairobi.
dkalinaki@ke.nationmedia.com Twitter: @Kalinaki
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